「米国政治におけるパラノイア的様式」（メモ）

承前*1

Richard Hofstadter ”The paranoid style in American politics” http://www.harpers.org/archive/1964/11/0014706

1964年に書かれたこのテクストでは、先ず当時のBarry Goldwater支持者たちの「怒れる心（angry mind）」が言及され、その背後には「全然新しくもなく、必然的に右翼的であるわけでもない心の様式（a style of mind that is far from new and that is not necessarily right-wing）」が存在するとされ、その様式をHofstadterは「パラノイア的様式（paranoid style）」と呼ぶ。これはあくまでも比喩であり、精神医学とは全く関係ない。さらに”the idea of the paranoid style as a force in politics would have little contemporary relevance or historical value if it were applied only to men with profoundly disturbed minds.”とも。また、これが「侮蔑的」であることも認めている。それから、これは政治的言説の内容というよりも形式に関わるのであり、その言説の良し悪しや真偽とも関係ないという。

Barry Goldwaterについては、例えばSam Tanenhaus The Death of Conservatism*2, p.58ff.を参照のこと。

The Death of Conservatism

作者: Sam Tanenhaus
出版社/メーカー: Random House
発売日: 2009/09/01
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「パラノイア的様式」の例として、1951年のジョセフ・マッカーシー *3の言説、1895年のポピュリスト党のマニフェスト、カトリック陰謀論を煽る1855年のテクサスの新聞記事が提示され、

In the history of the United States one find it, for example, in the anti-Masonic movement, the nativist and anti-Catholic movement, in certain spokesmen of abolitionism who regarded the United States as being in the grip of a slaveholders’ conspiracy, in many alarmists about the Mormons, in some Greenback*4 and Populist writers who constructed a great conspiracy of international bankers, in the exposure of a munitions makers’ conspiracy of World War I, in the popular left-wing press, in the contemporary American right wing, and on both sides of the race controversy today, among White Citizens’ Councils and Black Muslims. I do not propose to try to trace the variations of the paranoid style that can be found in all these movements, but will confine myself to a few leading episodes in our past history in which the style emerged in full and archetypal splendor.

と述べられ、序の部分が締め括られる。
先ず言及されるのは18世紀末における「イルミナティ」陰謀理論。「イルミナティ」陰謀理論については既にMichael Barkunの A Culture of Conspiracyに依拠しつつ言及したことがあるが*5、ここでは聖職者と学者／教育者の反応についての記述を引用しておく；

In May 1798, a minister of the Massachusetts Congregational establishment in Boston, Jedidiah Morse, delivered a timely sermon to the young country, which was then sharply divided between Jeffersonians and Federalists, Francophiles and Anglomen. Having read Robison, Morse was convinced of a Jacobinical plot touched off by Illuminism, and that the country should be rallied to defend itself. His warnings were heeded throughout New England wherever Federalists brooded about the rising tide of religious infidelity or Jeffersonian democracy. Timothy Dwight, the president of Yale, followed Morse’s sermon with a Fourth-of-July discourse on The Duty of Americans in the Present Crisis, in which he held forth against the Antichrist in his own glowing rhetoric. Soon the pulpits of New England were ringing with denunciations of the Illuminati, as though the country were swarming with them.

A Culture of Conspiracy: Apocalyptic Visions in Contemporary America (Comparative Studies in Religion and Society)

作者: Michael Barkun
出版社/メーカー: University of California Press
発売日: 2006/04/04
メディア: ペーパーバック
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次いで言及されるのは1820〜30年代の反フリーメイソン運動。運動のポピュリズム性、反エリート主義的側面が強調される。また、（その後の陰謀理論でお馴染みのものとなる）政府機関が「メイソン」*6によって侵蝕・汚染されているという批判のスタイルも。

Masonry was accused of constituting a separate system of loyalty, a separate imperium within the framework of federal and state governments, which was inconsistent with loyalty to them. Quite plausibly it was argued that the Masons had set up a jurisdiction of their own, with their own obligations and punishments, liable to enforcement even by the penalty of death. So basic was the conflict felt to be between secrecy and democracy that other, more innocent societies such as Phi Beta Kappa came under attack.

Since Masons were pledged to come to each other’s aid under circumstances of distress, and to extend fraternal indulgence at all times, it was held that the order nullified the enforcement of regular law. Masonic constables, sheriffs, juries, and judges must all be in league with Masonic criminals and fugitives. The press was believed to have been so “muzzled” by Masonic editors and proprietors that news of Masonic malfeasance could be suppressed. At a moment when almost every alleged citadel of privilege in America was under democratic assault, Masonry was attacked as a fraternity of the privileged, closing business opportunities and nearly monopolizing political offices.

次いで、1830年代以降の反カトリック運動*7。ここで陰謀理論の中心となったのは、あの電信の発明者である（モールス符号の！）S.F.B. Morseである。彼は1835年にForeign Conspiracies against the Liberties of the United Statesを刊行したが、彼が強調していたのはオーストリア（ハプスブルク帝国）の脅威。ウィーンによって合衆国が乗っ取られる！　それからLyman Beecher*8のPlea for the West(1835)。これは終末論的言説で、プロテスタントと（反基督たる）カトリックとの死闘（ハルマゲドン）を予言した。The American Protective Associationが1893年に流布させた、当時の教皇レオ13世が米国のカトリック信者に対して「全ての異端」を虐殺せよという極秘指令を下したというデマ。それから、陰謀理論の「ポルノグラフィ」としての側面を指摘している箇所を引用しておく；

Anti-Catholicism has always been the pornography of the Puritan. Whereas the anti-Masons had envisaged drinking bouts and had entertained themselves with sado-masochistic fantasies about the actual enforcement of grisly Masonic oaths, the anti-Catholics invented an immense lore about libertine priests, the confessional as an opportunity for seduction, licentious convents and monasteries.

ここで、 Hofstadterは19世紀から現代へと戻る。２つのパラノイア、19世紀の陰謀理論と現代の極右的陰謀理論の差異について。後者におけるdispossessedという感覚、権力者の「裏切り」という感覚。また、マス･メディアの発達。

The spokesmen of those earlier movements felt that they stood for causes and personal types that were still in possession of their country–that they were fending off threats to a still established way of life. But the modern right wing, as Daniel Bell*9 has put it, feels dispossessed: America has been largely taken away from them and their kind, though they are determined to try to repossess it and to prevent the final destructive act of subversion. The old American virtues have already been eaten away by cosmopolitans and intellectuals; the old competitive capitalism has been gradually undermined by socialistic and communistic schemers; the old national security and independence have been destroyed by treasonous plots, having as their most powerful agents not merely outsiders and foreigners as of old but major statesmen who are at the very centers of American power. Their predecessors had discovered conspiracies; the modern radical right finds conspiracy to be betrayal from on high.

Important changes may also be traced to the effects of the mass media. The villains of the modern right are much more vivid than those of their paranoid predecessors, much better known to the public; the literature of the paranoid style is by the same token richer and more circumstantial in personal description and personal invective. For the vaguely delineated villains of the anti-Masons, for the obscure and disguised Jesuit agents, the little-known papal delegates of the anti-Catholics, for the shadowy international bankers of the monetary conspiracies, we may now substitute eminent public figures like Presidents Roosevelt, Truman, and Eisenhower, secretaries of State like Marshall, Acheson, and Dulles, Justices of the Supreme Court like Frankfurter and Warren, and the whole battery of lesser but still famous and vivid alleged conspirators headed by Alger Hiss.

現代米国極右思想の基本的パターン；

The basic elements of contemporary right-wing thought can be reduced to three: First, there has been the now-familiar sustained conspiracy, running over more than a generation, and reaching its climax in Roosevelt’s New Deal, to undermine free capitalism, to bring the economy under the direction of the federal government, and to pave the way for socialism or communism. A great many right-wingers would agree with Frank Chodorov, the author of The Income Tax: The Root of All Evil, that this campaign began with the passage of the income-tax amendment to the Constitution in 1913.
The second contention is that top government officialdom has been so infiltrated by Communists that American policy, at least since the days leading up to Pearl Harbor, has been dominated by men who were shrewdly and consistently selling out American national interests.
Finally, the country is infused with a network of Communist agents, just as in the old days it was infiltrated by Jesuit agents, so that the whole apparatus of education, religion, the press, and the mass media is engaged in a common effort to paralyze the resistance of loyal Americans.

その典型としての、ジョセフ･マッカーシーによる（あのマーシャル･プランの！）George C. Marshall国務長官に対する攻撃。それから、マッカーシー失脚後の代表的な共産主義陰謀論者としての、「ジョン･バーチ協会」*10創設者であるRobert H. Welch, Jr.*11への言及。
政治的（世俗的）陰謀理論と宗教的終末論との類似性；

The paranoid spokesman sees the fate of conspiracy in apocalyptic terms–he traffics in the birth and death of whole worlds, whole political orders, whole systems of human values. He is always manning the barricades of civilization. He constantly lives at a turning point. Like religious millennialists he expresses the anxiety of those who are living through the last days and he is sometimes disposed to set a date fort the apocalypse. (”Time is running out,” said Welch in 1951. “Evidence is piling up on many sides and from many sources that October 1952 is the fatal month when Stalin will attack.”)

さらに、絶対善vs.絶対悪という構図。そこから生起するパラドクス；

This demand for total triumph leads to the formulation of hopelessly unrealistic goals, and since these goals are not even remotely attainable, failure constantly heightens the paranoid’s sense of frustration. Even partial success leaves him with the same feeling of powerlessness with which he began, and this in turn only strengthens his awareness of the vast and terrifying quality of the enemy he opposes.

それから、「敵」を万能化してしまう傾向。これは「自己」の抑圧された部分の「敵」への投影でもある。「敵」同士で思考のスタイルや組織形態や戦略が似てくることはこれによって説明できる。またセックスに関する自己投影；

On the other hand, the sexual freedom often attributed to the enemy, his lack of moral inhibition, his possession of especially effective techniques for fulfilling his desires, give exponents of the paranoid style an opportunity to project and express unacknowledgeable aspects of their own psychological concerns. Catholics and Mormons–later, Negroes and Jews–have lent themselves to a preoccupation with illicit sex. Very often the fantasies of true believers reveal strong sadomasochistic outlets, vividly expressed, for example, in the delight of anti-Masons with the cruelty of Masonic punishments.

これは、〈西洋〉の抑圧された部分の外部への投影として「オリエント」が構築されたというエドワード・サイードの『オリエンタリズム』の論を先取りするものでは？

Orientalism

作者: Edward W. Said
出版社/メーカー: Vintage
発売日: 1979/10/12
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「背教者＝脱退者（renegade）」の重要性。陰謀理論では（例えば）元共産党員とか元カトリックといった「敵」からの背教者＝脱退者が強調され、その言説（証言）には特別の権威が賦与されている。Hofstadterは「背教者＝脱退者」に賦与された「より深い終末論的意味」を指摘する――”in the spiritual wrestling match between good and evil which is the paranoid’s archetypal model of the world, the renegade is living proof that all the conversions are not made by the wrong side.” また、これこそパラノイアの所以なのだろうけど、陰謀理論における「証拠（evidence）」への執拗な拘り（ Hofstadterは「衒学（pedantry）」と呼ぶ。
陰謀理論な人は「二重の受難者」であることを指摘しつつ、閉じられる――”We are all sufferers from history, but the paranoid is a double sufferer, since he is afflicted not only by the real world, with the rest of us, but by his fantasies as well.”

*1:http://d.hatena.ne.jp/sumita-m/20110624/1308884616