Andrew David Field Shanghai’s Dancing World

Shanghai's Dancing World: Cabaret Culture and Urban Politics, 1919-1954

Shanghai's Dancing World: Cabaret Culture and Urban Politics, 1919-1954

先週初めにAndrew David Field Shanghai's Dancing World: Cabaret Culture and Urban Politics, 1919-1954*1を読了。

List of Illustrations
Preface and Acknowledgement


Part I. The Social
1 From Grand Balls to Jazz Cabarets: Westerners and Jazz-Age Culture in Shanghai, 1919-1926
2 Turning Lazy Old Opium Smokers into Spry Jazz Maniacs: The Rise of Chinese Dance Madness and the First Chinese cabarets, 1927-1931
3 Towers and Palaces: Ballroom Architecture and Interior Design, 1929-1936
4 Important Attractions: Cabaret Hostesses and the Popularization of Cabaret Culture in Chinese Society, 1932-1937
5 Improper Amusement: Chinese Patrons, Chinese Nationalist Politics, and Cabaret Culture, 1932-1937

Part II. The Political
6 Ballrooms and Bombs: Cabaret, Underground Intrigue, and Occupation Politics, 1937-1941
7 Regulations and Interventions: Cabarets under Japanese and Nationalist Occupation, 1942-1947
8 Resist to the End! The Nationalist Government’s Ban on Cabarets and the Dancers’ Uprising of 1948
9 Building a New Society: The Demise of Cabarets under the CCP, 1949-1954


1 Dance Hall Investment and Ownership: The Majestic Cafe Company
2 Number of Hostesses in Licensed Cabarets in International Settlement, November 1941-May 1942
3 Tables and Charts Based on Surveys of Dance Hall Workers, 1947-1948
4 List of Cabarets and Ballrooms in International Settlement and French Concession, c. 1925-1940


第1章では前史として、上海外国人社会におけるnational ballsが語られる。租界社会を構成する各国の国威発揚の場としての舞踏会。第一次世界大戦を境に「ジャズ・エイジ」に突入すると、ダンスはフォーマルでナショナリズム的なから、より商業的なもの、より親密な社交の手段へと変容することになる。本文に曰く、

New forms of dancing destablilized the hierarchical social patterns that the formalized dances of Victorian Age had encouraged, and instead emphasized the uniformity of modern mass society, while also advancing the fragmentation of the community into small, exclusive groups. In an era shaped by American value, social dancing in Shanghai was becoming less strict and elite, yet inclusive and democratic. This tendency would in turn lead to the acceptance of Chinese society on the city’s dance floors, which, as with all commercial institutions, opened their doors to anybody with means. (p.29)
勿論、その一方で、帝国主義的反動があるが、 著者はそれを1920年代のダンス・ホールの建築デザインの面から考察している(p.29ff.)。第1章の主役は西洋人ということになるが、第2章以降の主役は中国人である。第1章の最後の部分から引用;

(…) until 1927, most Chinese considered social dancing a peculiar pastime enjoyed by foreigners and a few adventurous Chinese aesthetes, but not suitable for the Chinese masses. That situation would change dramatically after the Nationalist Revolution of 1927. Revolutionary in its own way, the jazz-age dance hall or cabaret opened up new fissures in modern urban society, promoting greater collective participation in the ritual of public dancing and in the new if ephemeral social formations that converged around its institutions. Though distinguished by class, ballrooms in Shanghai collectively helped a wider variety of people partake than had the seasonal balls of the past, which featured distinguished guest lists and dance cards held in stuffy establishments such as the old Town Hall. Add to this heady mixture the spontaneity and creativity that went into jazz-age dancing, and the more openly sexual nature of the music and dances, one can easily see the threat this culture posed to the more conservative elements in society, who tried their best to uphold and maintain their cherished traditions, but could not stem the tide of jazz-age nightlife. (p.50)
西洋人が経営するダンス・ホールが主にカップル客を対象としていたのに対して、(著者は明示していないが)カップルを単位とする社交が存在していなかった中国系のダンス・ホールでは、単身または同性同士で来場した客の相手を務めるダンス・ホステス(舞女)を多く雇った*2。ダンス・ホステスは映画と並んで、或いは映画と結びついて、上海のマス・メディアを飾るセレブ(スター)とともに、新手の売春婦と同一視され、道徳的な非難を浴びせられることにもなる。特に第4章では、スターとなったダンス・ホステスたちの社会的バックグラウンドが語られる。また興味深かったのは、1930年代にダンス・ホステスを題材とした漢詩が多く発表されているということ(Chapter 5, pp.170-173)。反中国的なものとして保守派がダンスに顔を顰める一方で、また青少年の不良化が問題とされる一方で、(その多くは国民党の高官であり、その中には共産党員もいる)文人たちは漢詩というメディアを使うことによって、ダンスという西洋起源の新しい文化を中国化し(sinifiy)、中国古典文化の裡に*3取り込もうとしていたのである。

For a brief spell, the complex world of Shanghai society forgot its divisions and lost itself in the collective dream-dance of modernity. Dancing has always been a part of humanity, and it may together disparate groups of people large and small, allowing them to connect emotionally and cope with traumas that beset societies, thus helping to maintain and preserve the social fabric. In a period and in a city in which those bonds were constantly stressed and threatened to be torn apart, dancing to the rhythms of jazz music was one of the simple acts that kept people together in time. Unsurprisingly, this activity achieved such popularity and became so enshrined in the mass culture of the age.
Little wonder, as well that when the CCP took control over the city in 1949, they regarded jazz music and its associated dancing styles as a danger to the order they wished to create. After all. It was a national one that ruthlessly categorized people into classes, organized them into work units and families, and grouped them into ethnicities. Jazz music and dancing had enabled people to temporarily transcend those identity frameworks, even if they arrayed themselves in a class-based hierarchy. (…) (p.286)

Ironically, social dancing appeared as one of the first collective activities that arose spontaneously in Shanghai and many other parts of China following the end of the Mao years. By the 1980s, this activity, which the government had ruthlessly suppressed since the 1950s, could now be undertaken freely and openly once again. This time, the government did little to control its spread. In fact, the work unit or danwei, the fundamental element used by the CCP to fashion Chinese society surfaced as the primary social group responsible for organizing dances in post-Mao Shanghai. Dance parties, which had been carried out “underground” in private apartments during the Cultural Revolution years, were now organized in factory and office cafeterias, as well as in public parks and gardens. While the styles of dancing popular in the West had changed dramatically since the 1930s and 1940s, people in Shanghai and elsewhere clung to the old dances—the waltz, the foxtrot, the rumba—which they or their parents’ generation had preserved as a bodily practice, even if subdued one, throughout the Mao years. (p.288)

James Farrer “Dancing through the Market Transition: Disco and Dance Hall Sociability in Shanghai” in Deborah S. Davis(ed.) The Consumer Behavior in Urban China, University of California Press, 2000, pp.226-249
James Farrer Opening Up: Youth Sex Culture and Market Reform in Shanghai, University of Chicago Press, 2002*4

Opening Up: Youth Sex Culture and Market Reform in Shanghai (Chicago Visual Library-French Popular Lithographic Imagery)

Opening Up: Youth Sex Culture and Market Reform in Shanghai (Chicago Visual Library-French Popular Lithographic Imagery)

を参照するよう指示されている(p.334, note 4)。また、21世紀に入ってからの、クラブ・カルチャーの隆盛について、著者は

“From D.D’s to Y.Y. to Park 97 to Muse: Dance Club Spaces and the Construction of Class in Shanghai, 1997-2007” China: An International Journal 6-1, March 2008, pp.18-43

を書いている(ibid. note 7)。

纒足物語 (福武文庫)

纒足物語 (福武文庫)

なお、園田茂人『不平等国家 中国』に、

不平等国家 中国―自己否定した社会主義のゆくえ (中公新書)

不平等国家 中国―自己否定した社会主義のゆくえ (中公新書)


*2:欧米でも、おひとりさまの客の相手をするprivate dancerというのは存在した筈だが。