Katarzyna J. Cwiertka” Militarization of nutrition in wartime Japan” http://www.iias.nl/iias/show/id=51553/framenoid=42832
要約は
先ずは一般的な問題として；
Food assumes strategic significance in wartime, due to its basic role in strengthening the troops and enabling the productivity of workers, but also in its potential effect on population morale. Hunger can undermine people’s trust in their government and threaten public order. Measures implemented in wartime Japan to maximize the efficient use of food resources aimed at both, but their consequences went far beyond their intended goals.
そして、ここでは1937年以降の総動員体制下の日本が採り上げられる；
Alongside the industrialization of production and the commercialisation of consumption of food, many societies over the past hundred years have seen increased government intervention in their diets. The dissemination of nutritional science through state institutions denoted newly-emerging connections between power, welfare and knowledge within the workings of the nation-state. The most direct interventions by the state were seen in times of war, when accountants and dieticians determined the diets of hundreds of thousands of drafted individuals, and when civilian consumption was restricted by food shortage and policy-making (Bentley 1998, Helstosky 2004).
さらに、Cwiertkaさんは、ルース・ベネディクトらによって説かれた、或いは「日の丸弁当」に象徴される戦時下日本の精神主義的イメージに惑わされてはいけないという。因みに「日の丸弁当（Rising Sun Lunch Box）」は1937年に広島県の女学校で始められ、1939年に全国化された。ただ、それは”by no means representative of the general approach to nutrition in wartime Japan”なのだという。そうではなく、
In line with the new doctrine of ‘total war’ emphasizing the total mobilization of the civilian population, nutritional knowledge was rapidly transformed from a scientific domain of specialists into practical advice for the people. State institutions singled out diet as an important home-front weapon essential for preserving order and productivity, and actively participated in popularising nutritional knowledge.
日本軍における食事の改革が本格化したのは第一次世界大戦後である。ちょっと長くなるが、この部分は現在の日本人の〈味覚〉の起源に関わることなので、かなり長文だが、そのまま引用する；
Knowledge of how to make maximum use of limited resources was seen as essential for national security, and therefore the authorities propagated science-based practical advice on nutrition. Like other projects undertaken after 1937 for the sake of improving the health and welfare of the populace, military initiative was responsible for placing nutrition high on the agenda of policy makers.
これは後の方でも述べられているのだが、この改革で実践された効率的な大量調理システムは明らかに後の外食産業を基礎付けるものである。また、現在普通の日本人は、家庭でも外食でも、純粋な和食ではなく、和洋中折衷料理を作り、食しているが、その起源はこの時代の軍隊における食事改革にあった。「シチュー」にしても「コロッケ」にしても「カレー」にしても。また、1920年代以降、陸軍は外郭団体として「糧友会」を作り、改革された軍隊式調理の民間への啓蒙活動に乗り出していく。「シチュー」にしても「カレー」にしても、「糧友会」の雑誌『糧友』にレシピが紹介されており、さらに1939年には「糧友会」は「食糧学校」という調理学校を設立し、その卒業生は軍関係のみならず民間の外食産業にも就職した。このようにして、日本人の食事の軍事化が進んだ。
Efforts to improve the army diet could be observed since the turn of the twentieth century, but thorough reforms began after World War I. The objective behind these reforms was to maintain soldiers’ bodies and morale in the best possible condition at minimum cost. In other words, food served to the troops needed to be nourishing, tasty and cheap. Innovations to achieve this goal involved a wide-ranging educational program for army cooks, as well as the introduction of modern cooking equipment to economize on human labour (meat grinders, vegetable cutters, dish washers) and ingredients with long shelf life (dehydrated vegetables, powdered fish stock, tinned food). In 1929, further reforms were implemented at the organizational level the assignment of kitchen personnel was changed from a shift-based to a permanent system, and the delivery of provisions was extended to include all ingredients. Thus far, only staple foods (rice, barley, wheat) had been delivered by the depot while remaining provisions were purchased locally by each unit (Yasuhara and Imai 2002:9).
By the 1930s, army catering turned into a model of efficient mass catering, with specialized equipment, motivated and well-educated personnel, and exciting menus that included Japanese-Western and Japanese-Chinese eclectic dishes. Japanese authorities had three important reasons for incorporating foreign dishes into their menu. First of all, the Japanese cooking repertoire did not include meat dishes, while meat was considered essential for the strength of the troops. Second, foreign cooking techniques such as stewing, pan-frying and deep-frying used fat another foodstuff that was lacking in Japanese cuisine and provided a cheap source of calories. Strong flavouring agents, such as curry powder, helped to hide the smell/taste of stale ingredients. Third, stews, stir-fries, curries and croquettes were not only hearty, relatively inexpensive and convenient to make, but also unknown, and therefore equally uncontroversial to all soldiers regardless of their regional taste preferences. By the time the Sino-Japanese war broke out, these dishes had become soldiers’ favourites and had acquired a clear military connotation (Cwiertka 2002).
太平洋戦争中は軍への過大な食糧供給による重大な食糧不足を日本人は経験したが、それにも拘わらず、「食糧不足への科学的解決に対する政府の確信は最後の最後まで強固であり続けた」という；
勿論、軍隊化された食事は戦後になっても、憲法が変わっても滅びることはなかった。また、Cwiertkaさんが軍隊化された食事の効果として挙げているのは、日本人の食事の画一化であり、平等化である；
Special campaigns advocating methods to economize on rice through careful chewing, and mixing it with vegetables and other grains, were carried out through posters and pamphlets. Consumption of more efficient staples that contained more calories and were cheaper to produce, such as sweet potatoes and squash, were propagated as well. As the moment of capitulation approached, public campaigns shifted to instructions on maintaining vegetable gardens and brewing soy sauce out of fish bones.
兵隊に取られた農村出身の男たちは「三食米の飯」という（戦前の農村では地主様にしか可能ではなかった）「贅沢」を経験し、”multicultural military menus”の味も覚えてしまった。農村出身者にとって、軍隊というのは〈ハイカラ〉を経験する機会でもあったのだ。また、戦後のコメ離れの起源の一端が戦中の米不足にあるという指摘は興味深い。戦争（軍隊）を通して、農村出身者は米の味を覚えてしまい、逆に都会人は米のない生活を経験したことになる。
However, long-term consequences of the food shortage on the Japanese diet went beyond hunger and deprivation. The wartime experience wrapped up the construction of the Japanese national diet a process that replaced the diversified, class and community-tied practices of the pre-modern era with homogenous consumption practices that the overwhelming majority of postwar Japanese could identify with (Cwiertka 2005). The austere diet that had continued for more than a decade bridged the gap between urban and rural areas so characteristic of the pre-war period. While city dwellers experienced the hand-to-mouth existence of farmers, a great number of drafted peasants’ sons enjoyed the luxury of having rice three times a day and became acquainted with multicultural military menus drawn on pre-war urban gastronomy. Furthermore, the militarization of nutrition, and the chronic shortage of rice, set the stage for the post-war transformation of the Japanese diet, represented by the diminishing quantitative importance of rice and increased consumption of bread, noodles and industrially-processed food.
そして、戦後、軍隊化された食事は（戦前以上に）学校給食、病院、レストランなどを通じて、社会に浸透していくことになる；
Bibliographyによると、Cwiertkaさんには、
Most importantly, however, the work initiated by the Army Provision’s Depot and supported by the wartime government continued. Military menus were reproduced in restaurants, canteens, schools and hospitals where cooks and dieticians educated during wartime found employment. Gradually, the militaristic connotation of the innovations implemented by the armed forces disappeared, amalgamated into the mainstream civilian culture of the post-war era. Nutritional research was carried on in the institutes that had been established during wartime, and military experts on nutrition continued to educate the public.
というテクストがあるらしい。
Coveney, John. 2000. Food, Morals and Meaning: The Pleasure and Anxiety of Eating. London: Routledge.
Cwiertka, Katarzyna J. 2002. “Popularizing a Military Diet in Wartime and Postwar Japan.” Asian Anthropology 1: 1-30.
Cwiertka, Katarzyna J. 2005. “Culinary Culture and the Making of a National Cuisine.” Jennifer Robertson, ed. A Companion to the Anthropology of Japan. Oxford: Blackwell.
